紅のサンダンス
Taro Kono voiced his strong opposition to the nuclear industry in Japan,

Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
08TOKYO2993 2008-10-27 08:08 2011-03-15 09:09 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXYZ0003
PP RUEHWEB

DE RUEHKO #2993/01 3010820
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 270820Z OCT 08
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 8294
INFO RHMCSUU/DEPT OF ENERGY WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
Cable dated:2008-10-27T08:20:00C O N F I D E N T I A L TOKYO 002993SIPDISDEPT FOR EAP/J, ISN/CTR, ISN/MNSA, ISN/NESS DOE FOR KBAKER, NA-20E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/24/2018TAGS: PARM ENRG TRGY NRR MNUC PUNE JA

Classified By: Ambassador J. Thomas Schieffer; reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)
¶1. (C) Summary: Lower House Diet Member Taro Kono voiced his strong opposition to the nuclear industry in Japan, especially nuclear reprocessing, based on issues of cost, safety, and security during a dinner with a visiting staffdel, Energy Attache and Economic Officer October 21. Kono also criticized the Japanese bureaucracy and power companies for continuing an outdated nuclear energy strategy, suppressing development of alternative energy, and keeping information from Diet members and the public. He also expressed dissatisfaction with the current election campaign law. End Summary.

¶2. (C) Member of the House of Representatives Taro Kono spoke extensively on nuclear energy and nuclear fuel reprocessing during a dinner with a visiting staffdel, Energy Attache and Economic Officer October 21. Kono, a member of the Liberal Democratic Party first elected in 1996, is the son of Yohei Kono, a former President of the LDP who is currently the longest serving speaker of the House in post-war history. Taro Kono, who studied and worked in the United States and speaks excellent English, is a frequent embassy contact who has interests in agriculture, nuclear, and foreign policy issues. He is relatively young, and very outspoken, especially as a critic of the government’s nuclear policy. During this meeting, he voiced his strong opposition to the nuclear industry in Japan, especially nuclear fuel reprocessing, based on issues of cost, safety, and security. Kono claimed Japanese electric companies are hiding the costs and safety problems associated with nuclear energy, while successfully selling the idea of reprocessing to the Japanese public as “recycling uranium.” He asserted that Japan’s reprocessing program had been conceived as part of a nuclear cycle designed to use reprocessed fuel in fast breeder reactors (FBR). However, these reactors have not been successfully deployed, and Japan’s prototype FBR at Monju is still off-line after an accident in 1995.

¶3. (C) Kono said following the accident at the Monju FBR, rather than cancel plans to conduct reprocessing, the electric companies developed the Mixed Oxide (MOX) fuel program. However, Kono criticized the MOX program as too expensive, noting it would be cheaper to just “buy a uranium mountain in Australia,” or to make a deal to import uranium from other sources. Kono claimed the high costs of the reprocessing program were being passed to Japanese consumers in their power bills, and they were unaware of how much they paid for electricity relative to people in other countries. In describing the clout wielded by the electric companies, Kono claimed that a Japanese television station had planned a three part interview with him on nuclear issues, but had canceled after the first interview, because the electric companies threatened to withdraw their extensive sponsorship.

¶4. (C) In addition to the electric companies, Kono was also very critical of the Japanese ministries, particularly the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry (METI). He claimed the ministries were trapped in their policies, as officials inherited policies from people more senior to them, which they could then not challenge. As an example, Kono noted that Japanese radiation standards for imported foods had been set following the Chernobyl incident, and had not changed since then, despite other nations having reduced their levels of allowable radiation.

¶5. (C) In a similar way, he alleged, METI was committed to advocating for nuclear energy development, despite the problems he attributed to it. Kono noted that while METI claimed to support alternative energy, it in actuality provides little support. He claimed that METI in the past had orchestrated the defeat of legislation that supported alternatives energy development, and instead secured the passage of the Renewables Portfolio Standard (RPS) act. This act simply requires power companies to purchase a very small amount of their electricity from alternative sources. Kono also criticized the government’s handling of subsidies to alternative energy projects, noting that the subsidies were of such short duration that the projects have difficulty finding investors because of the risk and uncertainty involved. As a more specific example of Japan neglecting alternative energy sources, Kono noted there was abundant wind power available in Hokkaido that went undeveloped because the electricity company claimed it did not have sufficient grid capacity. Kono noted there was in fact an unused connection between the Hokkaido grid and the Honshu grid that the companies keep in reserve for unspecified emergencies. He wanted to know why they could not just link the grids and thus gain the ability to add in more wind power.

¶6. (C) He also accused METI of covering up nuclear accidents, and obscuring the true costs and problems associated with the nuclear industry. He claimed MPs have a difficult time hearing the whole of the U.S. message on nuclear energy because METI picks and chooses those portions of the message that it likes. Only information in agreement with METI policies is passed through to the MPs. Elaborating on his frustrations with the ministries, Kono noted that the Diet committee staffs are made up of professional bureaucrats, and are often headed by detailees from the ministries. He said he had no authority to hire or fire committee staff, and that any inquiries he made to them quickly found their way back to the ministries.

¶7. (C) Kono also raised the issue of nuclear waste, commenting that Japan had no permanent high-level waste storage, and thus no solution to the problem of storage. He cited Japan’s extensive seismic activity, and abundant groundwater, and questioned if there really was a safe place to store nuclear waste in the “land of volcanoes.” He noted that Rokkasho was only intended as a temporary holding site for high-level waste. The Rokkasho local government, he said, had only agreed to store waste temporarily contingent on its eventual reprocessing. Kono said that in this regard, the US was better off that Japan because of the Yucca mountain facility. He was somewhat surprised to hear about opposition to that project, and the fact that Yucca had not yet begun storing waste.

¶8. (C) In describing how he would deal with Japan’s future energy needs, Kono claimed Japan needed to devise a real energy strategy. He said while he believed Japan eventually would have to move to 100% renewable energy, in the meantime he advocated replacing energy produced by nuclear plants ready for decommissioning with an equal amount of energy from plants using liquid natural gas. To this he would add new renewable energy sources.

¶9. (C) Kono also made a few side remarks concerning the Japanese election process. He expressed dissatisfaction with the current election campaign law, which he called outdated. He noted, for example, that during the official campaign period he was not allowed to actively campaign on the Internet. He said he could print flyers during this time, but only a limited number, which had to be picked up by constituents at his campaign office. So, to get around these and other limitations, MPs had to campaign before the official campaign period began. Given the current uncertainty on a date for elections, he noted in a humorous manner that if the government delayed elections long enough, he and the other MPs would go broke.
SCHIEFFER

[JMM578M] 郵政事業見直し案はどの層の利益を代表しているのか?

■■ 編集長から(寄稿家のみなさんへ)■■

[JMM578M] 郵政事業見直し案はどの層の利益を代表しているのか?への回答ありがとうございました。昨年の総選挙のあと、わたしは、
遅かれ早かれ自民党は分裂して消滅するだろうと思いました。理由はとてもシンプル
です。自民党議員にとって、野党になってしまった自民党に所属し続ける合理性と、
得られる利益がないからです。同様に、自民党消滅の前に、派閥は完全に解消すると
思いました。共通する理念&政策ではなく、派閥の存在理由は選挙資金などの直接的
な利益でした。それが提供できなくなると、派閥は存在意義を失います。

与党となった民主党も求心力と政策遂行力をしだいに失いつつあるので、カウンタ
ーとしての野党は必要ですが、それが自民党である必然性はありません。ついでに言
えば、民主党も近い将来分裂すると思います。民主党はさまざまな利害を代表する議
員たちが集まっていて、「政権を奪取する」というモチベーションで結束していまし
た。その目的が達せられた瞬間から分裂の芽が露わになります。

民主党には、まだ野党だったときに蓄積されたエネルギーが残っているので、充分
ではないにしても、危機感が共有されている印象がありますが、自民党は悲惨です。
政党の存在意義がほとんどゼロになっていることに、執行部がまったく気づいていな
いからです。政治経済状況は、わたしが05年に発表した長編小説『半島を出よ』で
描いた近未来に近くなっています。

孫 なぜ企業30年説を言われるかというと、創業者が活発に活動できるピークが30年だからです。バイタリティ溢れる創業者が、30代で業を起こして60代になると活力がなくなってくる。しかも、創業者ほどバイタリティ溢れてて能力がある人にバトンタッチしたという話はあまり聞かない。だから30年でピークが来るんです。

ソフトバンク、ウィルコム支援へ=投資ファンドと合意
 ソフトバンクが会社更生法の適用を申請しているPHS大手ウィルコムを支援する方針を固めたことが3日、分かった。同社への出資条件などについて、投資ファンドのアドバンテッジパートナーズ(AP)と調整していたが、合意に至った。企業再生支援機構も近く第三者委員会を開き、支援の可否を最終判断する見通しだ。 (時事通信)